February 13th

Today, on the eve of his departure, the President gave House, and in my presence, very definite instructions for his guidance while he was away. He said: “During my unavoidable absence I do not wish the questions of territorial adjustments or those of reparations to be held up.” I would have concluded from these words that the President left House in control, but House did not so interpret them. “The President does not mean that I am authorized to definitely settle anything,” he explained, “but he does hope that I will get the problems, one and all, in such shape that on his return they can be submitted to him for final judgment. I am glad of these limitations on my powers,” said House. “The President has been so absorbed in his struggle for the Covenant that he does not fully appreciate the obstacles that still beset his path. Let me give you but one illustration. The President is unalterably opposed to the creation of the Rhenish republic, and justly so, because if we acquiesced it would torpedo our doctrine of self-determination upon which the future of our better world order depends. And yet if we close an eye but for a moment there it is—rearing its ugly head.”

I think the Colonel is taking quite a risk in accepting merely verbal instructions from his chief. Both President Cleveland and Dean West, involved in the interminable Princeton controversy, are on record as saying that the President’s memory has blind spots, and I also venture to call his attention to the fact that while on October 14th he was instructed by Wilson “to leave the details of the probable armistice to the judgment and advice of the military and naval advisers of the United States and of the Allied governments,” a very few days later he ignored them and accepted the mere internment of the German fleet, against the wishes of our Admiral Benson. And as to the Army, Pershing was ignored or at least thinks he was. As to the treatment of Pershing, it is only proper to say that his attitude was not crystal clear. On one day he was in favor of sending his army into Germany and on the next he apparently agreed with Foch that the extra campaign—the march to Berlin—was not necessary and might well prove costly. “Men always fight better on their homeland, defending it against invaders, than they do on foreign soil,” was his final word.

“Of course, of course,” commented House. “I would like to have specific instructions in writing, but as the ‘Governor’ never gives them we can dismiss that idea.”