February 8th

However, in the afternoon session the long-gathering storm broke with great intensity. Despite the warning of General Smuts when he submitted the mandate clause that any changes would bring tumbling to the ground the agreement that has been so painfully reached, there are rumblings in many quarters. The French are dissatisfied with it because they say it lacks clarity.” In reality, they fear it will prevent them from raising black troops in Africa which have been so useful in the war. The representatives of the Dominions do not like it because our President insists that the mandatory powers should be regarded as trustees, and not as bona-fide owners of the new territories they are to take under their wings. The paragraph most discussed is the last sentence of Article XVII which reads:

“No military or naval forces shall be formed among the inhabitants of the territories (formerly belonging to the German or the Turkish Empires) in excess of those required for purposes of defense and of internal police.”

Here again it is advisable to hark back to the initial discussions in the Council of Ten. On January 30th all the delegates from countries with colonial possessions or aspirations assembled in M. Pichon’s spacious room at the Quai d’Orsay, but M. Clemenceau, scenting battle from afar, was on hand to preside. The Australians and the New Zealanders joined with the French in their request for “more light,” particularly on Article VIII. Mr. Massey (Australia) said he was in favor of the direct annexation of the so-called mandated states. He thought that, owing to geographical contiguity to the mandatory state, they could be best administered as integral portions thereof, with, of course, such safeguards as prohibitions of the slave trade, arms traffic, and the prevention of the military training of the natives for other than police purposes. He and his colleagues strongly favored the principle of direct annexation, believing it would enable them to proceed more quickly with the development of the territories concerned. They were united in wishing a clear statement from the President on the subject.

President Wilson asked:

“Are Australia and New Zealand presenting an ultimatum to the Conference? Evidently you want the outright annexation of New Guinea and Samoa. Unless you secure these concessions, will you oppose the agreement, and if they are not granted, will you withdraw from the discussion?”

Here ensued a long delay because again the electrical apparatus which Mr. Hughes, the Australian Prime Minister, needed to follow the proceedings got out of order. Finally, after the President had repeated his views several times, Mr. Hughes said:

“Like my colleagues from New Zealand and South Africa I am in favor of the direct control of the mandated territories. Apparently the President is not in accord with our views. What are we to do? I at least shall follow the instructions of my government.”

General Botha (South Africa) now spoke at great length, but, fortunately, in a more conciliatory spirit. He admitted that it was through the eloquence of Mr. Lloyd George that he had been induced to accept the disputed resolution. He trusted most sincerely that President Wilson would also agree. He believed that they should not be stopped by small things; if they could gain the higher ideal, small things should not be allowed to block the way. He appreciated the noble ideas of President Wilson and they would succeed if they were accepted by all. Our common objective is to attain a better world understanding. Then he added:

“Personally, I feel very strongly over the question of German Southwest Africa. I think it differs entirely from any other question the Conference is called upon to decide. I hope, in a spirit of co-operation and by giving way on the little things, we shall overcome the obvious difficulties and realize the high ideals which we all share.”

Mr. Massey (New Zealand) now answered the President’s opening inquiry.

“As a public man I never make threats,” he said; “those imputed to me in the press or elsewhere are without foundation. If I cannot get what my government wants, I am ready to accept the next best proposal, which is that set forth by Mr. Lloyd George.”

Lloyd George now intervened with the statement that as everyone had now made his position perfectly clear, he hoped the Conference would accept his resolution as a provisional decision, subject to revision hereafter.

The French now entered the arena, M. Pichon speaking.

“France cannot renounce the right to raise volunteers in the countries under her administration,” he said. “Before powerful American troops had come to her aid, France had resisted for a long time, aided by the British Army, but it was quite certain that but for the help she had previously received from her colonial possessions, her situation would have been most critical. We hold it absolutely necessary that France be empowered to recruit, not conscript, volunteers from all colonial territories under her control. This is absolutely necessary for her security.”

President Wilson inquired if this decision referred to territory to be controlled as mandated states as well as her present colonies. M. Clemenceau now intervened, expressing acute dissatisfaction with the course of the proceedings.

“You must remember,” he said, “and certainly we cannot forget, that France is the nearest neighbor to Germany. As so often in the past, at any moment in the future we can be suddenly attacked. We do not know if it is possible to disarm Germany, but we know we should attempt it. We appreciate that Great Britain has responsibilities in all parts of the world, that she cannot concentrate all her strength upon one point; we appreciate that America is far away and cannot come at once in the hour of danger to the assistance of France. Our situation is quite different from that of other powers more happily situated. America is protected by the breadth of the ocean, Great Britain by her fleet. The League of Nations, yet untried, must not begin by placing France in a position of peril, and that would happen if we were not permitted to raise volunteers in the territories under our administration. The people of France would resent such an arrangement and have a just grievance against any government that accepted it.”

Lloyd George said that Great Britain has native forces in Uganda and Nigeria, just as France has troops in Senegal and elsewhere, but they are not equipped to carry on offensive operations outside of their home territory. He then contended that the clause under discussion would not prevent the raising of volunteer forces: “It will not prevent France from doing in the future what she has done so successfully in the recent past, but it would prevent Germany from organizing great black armies in Africa for the purpose of clearing everybody else out of the country. I for one can see nothing in this agreement that prevents France raising an army for the defense of her territory.”

“If we have that right,” said Clemenceau, “I ask for nothing more.” Lloyd George explained:

“The resolution is only intended to prevent a mandatory from drilling natives and raising great armies.”

Clemenceau: “We have not the remotest intention of doing that. If this clause does not prevent France from raising troops in African territory under her control, I am satisfied.”

President Wilson said that Mr. Lloyd George’s interpretation was consistent with the phraseology of the Resolution and Clemenceau again said that he was satisfied and the Resolution was accepted.

The meeting now took up the question of Turkey, in which Mr. Wilson said that for the present the United States could not participate —she not having declared war on Turkey. Lloyd George thought this was a little matter and “could be easily arranged with the Turks,” and then he spoke at some length of the great expense that Britain was now being put to in occupying these territories for the common security. He believed that in this part of the world they were maintaining a force of at least a million men and that it was causing an enormous expenditure, one that Britain could not face for long, especially as she had not the remotest idea of becoming the mandatory power over many of the territories she now occupied and protected. On this subject, he was quite certain, very awkward questions would soon be asked in Parliament.

In view of this burdensome situation, Lloyd George stated that he must insist with his colleagues (but not in the harsh military sense of the word) upon the definite appointment of the mandatories at an early day. As soon as this was done, the British troops could be withdrawn and the mandatory power could enter upon its responsible duties.

Mr. Wilson now stated, and for the first time publicly, his position as to the mandates and the reason why he opposed the immediate designation of the mandatory powers. He said he was disinclined to see his country shirk any burden that duty imposed, but at the moment he could think of nothing the people of the United States would be less inclined to accept than military responsibility in Asia. He would, if now asked to assume a mandate, be compelled to ask for a postponement, for time in which he would try to bring the American people to the point of view which he wished them to assume. He therefore asked that the whole question of the military occupation and control of these various regions be referred to the Supreme War Council. Lloyd George agreed—thought this would help to clarify the situation -but Clemenceau was not so certain. He said everything would depend on the development of the situation in Russia. He added:

“We as well as the British and the Italians have troops in Odessa. What are we going to do with them?”

Nobody answered.

The following draft resolution, apparently the joint work of Lloyd George and the President, was then approved. In part it reads:

“The military representatives of the Allies and the associated powers at Versailles are directed to report as to the most equitable and economical distribution among the powers of the burden of maintaining order in the Turkish Empire and Transcaucasia pending the decisions of the Peace Conference.”

It would appear that the buck has now been passed to those idle gentlemen in Versailles (Supreme War Council), but, as a matter of fact, at least this is my judgment, now that the possibility of a black army has been secured for France and the Dominions have been assured possession of coveted territories more or less contiguous, everything is arranged, although the names of the powers that are to assume the mandates will not be published until later.¹ One clash, however, still remains unsettled on the agenda; that is the competition between France and England for the Syrian mandate. Emir Feisal says no mandate is necessary or desirable and that if the principle of self-determination were to be honored, the Syrians would ask for his rule. But if a mandate is insisted upon, they would vote to have it exercised from Washington.²

Here I think it wise to interpolate a few details as to the preliminary discussion on this thorny problem. When the question of mandates was first formally taken up in the Council of Ten (on January 24th) the sea was serene and apparently there was every prospect of smooth sailing. This unanimity led to the immediate adoption of the first paragraph of the resolution presented by the British which reads: “Having regard to the record of the German administration in the colonies, formerly a part of the German Empire, and to the menace which the possession by Germany of submarine bases in many parts of the world would necessarily constitute to the freedom and security of all nations, the Allied and Associated Powers are agreed that in no circumstances should any of the colonies be restored to Germany.” After it had been read, for further emphasis, Lloyd George added: “In behalf of the British Empire I would like to say that we are opposed to a return to Germany of any of these territories under any circumstances.”

Wilson said:

“We are all agreed upon this point.”

Then Orlando (Italy) and Makino (Japan) assented, but a few minutes later the Council came into heavy weather. The form of the mandate had to be considered, also the designation of the mandatory powers. Both promised difficulties, and they were not slow in materializing.

The French Colonial Office wants to annex parts of the Cameroons and Togo Land and the three British Dominions want to annex, respectively, German South-West Africa, New Guinea, and German Samoa, and they want outright possession, they do not wish to act as trustees. Mr. Wilson, apparently with the purpose of chilling the enthusiasm of the land-grabbers, said:

“Many of these mandates would constitute a burden, and a very serious burden at that.”

Discontent became apparent as the clause was read providing for “The prevention of military training of the native for other than police purposes or the establishment of fortifications or military or naval bases, and the training of the natives except for the defense of their territory.”

Then Clause VIII of the resolution was read, modifying Article XXII of the Covenant (first draft). It says:

“Finally, the Powers consider that there are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain islands in the South Pacific, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centers of civilization, or their geographical contiguity to the Mandatory State and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory State as integral portions thereof, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population.”

The at first sotto-voce mutterings now became distinctly audible, and the clash of interests came out into the open. The quarrel as to the disposition of the German colonies filled the morning session and ran on into the afternoon meeting with increasing intensity of feeling. Hughes of Australia, indeed, made several outrageous attacks on the President, which, however, Wilson did not take up at once or even later because, as one of the Australian secretaries explained to all present, Hughes did not understand the President’s point of view owing to the fact that, as so often before, his electrical hearing apparatus had failed to function.